|
Jochen Becker
1979 and following
Between Kabul and Tehran
| |
 |
| Mosques organize local tv- broadcasts.In Teheran.
1979 |
| |
 |
| Javanmard-e-Ghassab-street in the district
Shahr-e Rey |
|
"City of Revolutions"
The Iranian urban planner Ali Madanipour, who teaches in England,
calls Tehran the "city of revolutions". "Whoever
could be in charge of the public sphere was in charge of the country.
The contest over, and the domination of, the public spaces of the
city was the embodiment of the revolution: in a short sense, this
was the revolution" (Madanipour 1998: 44). In his book Tehran.
The Making of a Metropolis which was published in 1998, Madanipour
describes the capital as "a fragmented social world with a
very weak public sphere. Tehran is a city of strangers. The Islamic
revolution was one of the rare moments in recent history that brought
these strangers together and forged a collective, but temporary,
identity. It was, however, an identity based on negation" (ibid.:
95).
At the end of the 19th century, with the orientation
toward Europe (32) and the involvement in world trade, the city
underwent a massive change. The fiscal system aligned to foreign
capital and foreign trade led to a divide between the capital and
the rural regions. The resulting conflicts were carried out in the
capital city. Modernization always implied the orientation toward
the West, which was faced with the threat of foreign rule. "The
story of Tehran is also a case study in the tensions of modernity.
(...) While a revolution at the beginning of the twentieth century
strongly promoted modernity, the second revolution towards the end
of the century cast serious doubts on many aspects of modernization"
(ibid.: xi).
Tehran has been the capital for 220 years, and in
this period the population has grown from 15,000 to around 13 million.
One fifth of the Iranian population lives in Tehran, with currently
about eight million in the city proper and another five million
in the outskirts. 15 to 27 million inhabitants are estimated for
2010, something for which the city administration seems to be only
partially prepared. (33) The rapid urban development has rendered
the old master plans stemming from the Shah period obsolete. "The
small-town architecture is simply transferred to a larger scale",
the essayist Mohammad Ghaed complains (2005: 38). Today the average
speed of a car on a normal weekday is already only 18 kilometres
per hour, despite numerous city motorways. Permanent traffic jams
and more than one million badly equipped vehicles produce a dense
cover of smog. In many places, public transport is based on privately
operated share-a-ride taxis.
After the large extension of 1868, the city especially
expanded to the north, while the many unskilled workers that the
construction boom attracted settled foremost in the south. Tehran
spreads from the edge of the Alburz Mountains, with its ski runs
located nearby, to the countries central desert. In between there
is a difference in altitude of 640 metres, which has a noticeable
influence on the vista, the city's climate, temperature and water
quality. The fabric of the city is until today divided into a rich
north and a poor south, although - as Masserat Amir-Ebrahimi reconstructs
in her contribution to this book - the city administration made
an effort to balance out these differences by means of numerous
interventions, especially in the 1990s.
City/Flight
"Tehran is founded on immigration", Ali Madanipour states
(1998: 91). In the 20th century, Iran grew from eight million to
65 million. While forty years ago close to seventy percent lived
in rural regions, the ratio has almost reversed until today. In
the years 1972 and 1973, "5 million people were on the move;
2.5 million migrated from other cities predominantly to Tehran"
(Jungfer 1979: 85). The lack of a public welfare system had to be
compensated by support through the family and other informal economic
and reproduction structures.
While well educated groups of the society settled
in the large cities or emigrated to foreign countries, the poor
population had a hard time finding adequate housing. According to
the "Iran Report" from 1978, more than 1.2 million persons
were homeless in Iranian cities in the 1970s. Some lived in caves
produced by clay mining for the brick factories. In the 1980s the
flight from the war along the border to Iraq drove further people
to the cities. Tehran now mainly grew towards the west in the direction
of the city of Karaj forty kilometres away. The factories of Iran
Khodro, in which utility vehicles are manufactured in cooperation
with Renault and Mercedes (34), are located along the motorway leading
there.
There is a strong connection between Tehran and
Los Angeles - the city with the largest Iranian community in exile.
For this reason there are several TV and radio stations in the U.S.A.
that broadcast programmes in Farsi around the clock. The close link
between "homeland" and "diaspora" that Mike
Davis examined for Latinos living in the United States, is also
applicable to the Iranians at home and abroad. Many Iranians maintain
close contact with their relatives in the West via telephone or
air travels (35), they listen to foreign programmes, receive satellite
television, buy pirate copies of CDs and DVDs in the street, and
download contemporary Hollywood films from the Internet.
Redistribution
Khomeini promised all Tehranis the right to a house, with which
he intended to get the former immigrants and slum inhabitants, in
particular, on his side. The still ongoing construction boom is
a constant in the urban economy. Building speculators only appeared
as late as the 1970s, and then again in the form of private developers
in the course of the 1990s. But as opposed to the neighbouring countries,
the building industry has not yet been monopolized. Many private
individuals build mainly for themselves. The poorly developed and
nationalized banking system in Iran's "underinstitutionalized
market economy" (Madanipour 1998: 177) impedes private-sector
investments and larger-scale developments. Yet one can increasingly
observe residential high-rises or even entire projects built by
a single developer in the north and on the outskirts of the city.
The large-scale project Navab, for instance, resulted from a cooperation
between the municipality and the building industry, since it is
mainly state authorities that make an appearance with large-scale
projects. Most public facilities and buildings, such as public baths,
water reservoirs, wells, mosques, and schools, on the other hand,
"were built by private individuals, usually wealthy merchants,
endowment institutions, or members of the ruling aristocracy"
(Madanipour, 1998: 190 f.).
Among the mayors of Tehran, who distinguished themselves
very little in regard to urban planning, Gholam-Hossein Karbaschi
was a notable exception. (36) The architect, who was trained in
Germany, among other places, between 1989 and 1998 organized a sort
of exchange of indulgences regarding the number of storeys (37),
because since he took office, the municipality was obliged to finance
itself. The city's budget subsequently rose from 20 to over 300
million euros. Karbaschi used this income to effect a redistribution
from north to south and funded public buildings, cultural facilities
and the improvement of housing conditions in the poor quarters.
He additionally concentrated on major projects such as the motorway-settlement
axis of Navab, but neglected many other areas of urban development.
The numerous motorways newly built in the 1990s cut lanes into the
city, but they were simultaneously developed into a network of green
arteries through intensive landscape architecture.
Karbaschi decisively enhanced public space. (38)
By expanding green spaces and parks and by keeping them permanently
open, places of sociability and communication were created for people
who otherwise met behind drawn curtains. Up until the 1990s, even
flats were threatened by the controls of "moral guardians"
who persecuted parties, pop music, clothing contrary to the regulations,
and the consumption of alcohol. For this reason, picnics in the
park are a widespread and popular form of sanctioned public gathering
in Tehran. (39)
|