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Jochen Becker
1979 and following
Between Kabul and Tehran

 
Mosques organize local tv- broadcasts.In Teheran. 1979
 
Javanmard-e-Ghassab-street in the district Shahr-e Rey

 

"City of Revolutions"
The Iranian urban planner Ali Madanipour, who teaches in England, calls Tehran the "city of revolutions". "Whoever could be in charge of the public sphere was in charge of the country. The contest over, and the domination of, the public spaces of the city was the embodiment of the revolution: in a short sense, this was the revolution" (Madanipour 1998: 44). In his book Tehran. The Making of a Metropolis which was published in 1998, Madanipour describes the capital as "a fragmented social world with a very weak public sphere. Tehran is a city of strangers. The Islamic revolution was one of the rare moments in recent history that brought these strangers together and forged a collective, but temporary, identity. It was, however, an identity based on negation" (ibid.: 95).

At the end of the 19th century, with the orientation toward Europe (32) and the involvement in world trade, the city underwent a massive change. The fiscal system aligned to foreign capital and foreign trade led to a divide between the capital and the rural regions. The resulting conflicts were carried out in the capital city. Modernization always implied the orientation toward the West, which was faced with the threat of foreign rule. "The story of Tehran is also a case study in the tensions of modernity. (...) While a revolution at the beginning of the twentieth century strongly promoted modernity, the second revolution towards the end of the century cast serious doubts on many aspects of modernization" (ibid.: xi).

Tehran has been the capital for 220 years, and in this period the population has grown from 15,000 to around 13 million. One fifth of the Iranian population lives in Tehran, with currently about eight million in the city proper and another five million in the outskirts. 15 to 27 million inhabitants are estimated for 2010, something for which the city administration seems to be only partially prepared. (33) The rapid urban development has rendered the old master plans stemming from the Shah period obsolete. "The small-town architecture is simply transferred to a larger scale", the essayist Mohammad Ghaed complains (2005: 38). Today the average speed of a car on a normal weekday is already only 18 kilometres per hour, despite numerous city motorways. Permanent traffic jams and more than one million badly equipped vehicles produce a dense cover of smog. In many places, public transport is based on privately operated share-a-ride taxis.

After the large extension of 1868, the city especially expanded to the north, while the many unskilled workers that the construction boom attracted settled foremost in the south. Tehran spreads from the edge of the Alburz Mountains, with its ski runs located nearby, to the countries central desert. In between there is a difference in altitude of 640 metres, which has a noticeable influence on the vista, the city's climate, temperature and water quality. The fabric of the city is until today divided into a rich north and a poor south, although - as Masserat Amir-Ebrahimi reconstructs in her contribution to this book - the city administration made an effort to balance out these differences by means of numerous interventions, especially in the 1990s.

City/Flight
"Tehran is founded on immigration", Ali Madanipour states (1998: 91). In the 20th century, Iran grew from eight million to 65 million. While forty years ago close to seventy percent lived in rural regions, the ratio has almost reversed until today. In the years 1972 and 1973, "5 million people were on the move; 2.5 million migrated from other cities predominantly to Tehran" (Jungfer 1979: 85). The lack of a public welfare system had to be compensated by support through the family and other informal economic and reproduction structures.

While well educated groups of the society settled in the large cities or emigrated to foreign countries, the poor population had a hard time finding adequate housing. According to the "Iran Report" from 1978, more than 1.2 million persons were homeless in Iranian cities in the 1970s. Some lived in caves produced by clay mining for the brick factories. In the 1980s the flight from the war along the border to Iraq drove further people to the cities. Tehran now mainly grew towards the west in the direction of the city of Karaj forty kilometres away. The factories of Iran Khodro, in which utility vehicles are manufactured in cooperation with Renault and Mercedes (34), are located along the motorway leading there.

There is a strong connection between Tehran and Los Angeles - the city with the largest Iranian community in exile. For this reason there are several TV and radio stations in the U.S.A. that broadcast programmes in Farsi around the clock. The close link between "homeland" and "diaspora" that Mike Davis examined for Latinos living in the United States, is also applicable to the Iranians at home and abroad. Many Iranians maintain close contact with their relatives in the West via telephone or air travels (35), they listen to foreign programmes, receive satellite television, buy pirate copies of CDs and DVDs in the street, and download contemporary Hollywood films from the Internet.

Redistribution
Khomeini promised all Tehranis the right to a house, with which he intended to get the former immigrants and slum inhabitants, in particular, on his side. The still ongoing construction boom is a constant in the urban economy. Building speculators only appeared as late as the 1970s, and then again in the form of private developers in the course of the 1990s. But as opposed to the neighbouring countries, the building industry has not yet been monopolized. Many private individuals build mainly for themselves. The poorly developed and nationalized banking system in Iran's "underinstitutionalized market economy" (Madanipour 1998: 177) impedes private-sector investments and larger-scale developments. Yet one can increasingly observe residential high-rises or even entire projects built by a single developer in the north and on the outskirts of the city. The large-scale project Navab, for instance, resulted from a cooperation between the municipality and the building industry, since it is mainly state authorities that make an appearance with large-scale projects. Most public facilities and buildings, such as public baths, water reservoirs, wells, mosques, and schools, on the other hand, "were built by private individuals, usually wealthy merchants, endowment institutions, or members of the ruling aristocracy" (Madanipour, 1998: 190 f.).

Among the mayors of Tehran, who distinguished themselves very little in regard to urban planning, Gholam-Hossein Karbaschi was a notable exception. (36) The architect, who was trained in Germany, among other places, between 1989 and 1998 organized a sort of exchange of indulgences regarding the number of storeys (37), because since he took office, the municipality was obliged to finance itself. The city's budget subsequently rose from 20 to over 300 million euros. Karbaschi used this income to effect a redistribution from north to south and funded public buildings, cultural facilities and the improvement of housing conditions in the poor quarters. He additionally concentrated on major projects such as the motorway-settlement axis of Navab, but neglected many other areas of urban development. The numerous motorways newly built in the 1990s cut lanes into the city, but they were simultaneously developed into a network of green arteries through intensive landscape architecture.

Karbaschi decisively enhanced public space. (38) By expanding green spaces and parks and by keeping them permanently open, places of sociability and communication were created for people who otherwise met behind drawn curtains. Up until the 1990s, even flats were threatened by the controls of "moral guardians" who persecuted parties, pop music, clothing contrary to the regulations, and the consumption of alcohol. For this reason, picnics in the park are a widespread and popular form of sanctioned public gathering in Tehran. (39)

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